Armed Forces and Society in Europe by Anthony Forster (auth.)

By Anthony Forster (auth.)

In the post-Cold battle period, ecu militaries are engaged in an ongoing model that's difficult relatives among military and the societies that they serve. This e-book deals an cutting edge conceptual framework to severely review modern civil-military family around the continent of Europe. It analyzes 8 key concerns in militia and society kin, to discover the size and depth of those changes.

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In France the planning laws which establish the objectives of defence policy require approval but they can only be accepted or rejected without amendment. Neither does the National Assembly or its committees have responsibilities for or participate in control of foreign or defence policy (Koenig-Archibugi, 2004: 167). Third, in terms of formal powers parliaments legislate, that it is to say they are the organisation that pass, amend and repeal laws, but the reality is more complex. In defence there is an executive sustained tradition of limiting the amount of primary legislation that governs defence and instead the executive passes secondary, tertiary and what might be termed ‘soft’ law – executive orders, decrees and orders of defence council.

Alongside the prime minister, a senior minister of defence is accountable to parliament. Examples of states with this type of system are Denmark, Slovenia, Sweden and the UK. In presidential systems, as found for instance in Bulgaria, Finland, France, Poland, Romania, Russia and Ukraine an elected president is the head of state with both de facto and de jure responsibilities as supreme commander of the armed forces. The defence minister is accountable to the president with the former holding the power to remove ministers in the defence ministry; in the case of Finland it is the president who also has the power of decision over promotions (Finnish MoD, 2004: 14).

Whilst defence expenditure is ranked in the top four of all government public expenditure, beyond the procurement plans and capital spend programmes, there are actually few outputs for legislatures to monitor. For example, in the UK the Labour government between 1975 and 1979 concealed the Chevaline project (used to update Britain’s nuclear programme) from parliament; more recently expenditure on the security and intelligence services is estimated to be three times larger than that approved annually by parliament (Greenwood, 1994).

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